Friday, September 22, 2017

Nation time in Mexico

Sometimes a writer has no words.

This video has been making the rounds of the Interweb all day today. It's a painful snapshot of Mexico, as our neighbor to the south recovers from a devastating earthquake, the most recent in a string of seismic catastrophes. As rescue workers and everyday people dug through the rubble, there was a point where the people stopped to stand and sing the Mexican national anthem.

It's a moving, wrenching event made more powerful by its sheer spontaneity, a suddenness that mirrors the swift onset of the earthquake itself. You can see what it means to a country with myriad problems and challenges, a nation needlessly under fire from its hot-headed, xenophobic northern neighbor.

Even amid the tragedy when this video was made (some time in recent days), it's clearly nation time in Mexico, a time to honor that which binds people together, in defiance of the forces — seismic and geopolitical — that do whatever possible to tear them apart.

Viva Mexico.

A Real Joint Venture

Few things say “normal” like television, our public square, our soapbox in Hyde Park, our platform for the popular and unpopular alike. For friends of herb who watch TV, BurnTV, a new West Coast-based entertainment channel, hopes to fill a niche with programming that both informs and enlivens – presented through the lens of the marijuana experience more than 40 million Americans enjoy on a regular basis. Americans for whom pot is utterly, totally normal.

At least that’s the plan, according to Jason Santos, BurnTV’s man of many hats. “We’ve built our own apps, and we’re beta testing and putting them through rigors, making them more robust, making sure we get as many of the bugs out,” said the CEO, founder and chief evangelist, cornered by phone for a brief interview with Potent, after sprinting from one bit of pressing business to another. “Our target is October, but we haven’t committed to a date yet. As we get closer, we'll be able to pinpoint an exact date. It’s the nature of the beast.

“We hope to have a final announcement of the launch date in a couple weeks. It’s exciting.” ...

Read more at Potent

Image credits: BurnTV splash image: © 2017 Burn Entertainment Corporation. Potent logo: © 2017 Jerrick Media LLC.

TV Throws Down the Gauntlet, Again

THE NIGHT OF September 17 was a cracked bellwether in the world of entertainment. The Emmy Awards, the television industry’s homage to its movers and shakers (and by extension itself) stepped off at the Microsoft Theater in Hollywood, and marked what would become a night of historic firsts, firing broadsides on the complacency of the Emmys' own past:

Donald Glover won Emmy Awards for lead actor in a comedy series and directing for a comedy series, both for his work in FX’s Atlanta. He became the first African American director to win for directing a comedy series, and only the second to win best actor in a comedy series, after Robert Guillaume, the immortal Benson, in 1985.

Sterling K. Brown made history, becoming the first African American to win best actor in a drama at the Emmys in 19 years, for his performance in NBC’s This Is Us.

Riz Ahmed, won the Emmy for Best Actor in a limited dramatic series for his role in HBO’s riveting The Night Of, becoming the first Muslim and the first South Asian actor to be so honored. ...

For the Emmys as an institution, and a community trying not to become an “institution” (with all the word's hidebound associations), it was a very good night. The 2017 Emmy recipients’ list reflected an understanding of how minorities figure as position players in every step of the televisual process, from writing to directing to acting. Thus, the Emmys threw down one gauntlet of implicit challenge to the Academy Awards (“let’s see you top this next year!”) — and then threw another one, with the medium of television itself.

The demographic triumphs of this year’s Emmy winners add to the growing cultural and technological evidence that, as a medium in a refreshing, wrenching transition, television has fully achieved primacy in the national media diet, as much or more an immediate identifier and signifier of American popular culture than the movies were for the previous 30 years. ...

Read the full story at Geeks

Image credits: Sterling K. Brown: © 2017 CBS/Academy of Television Arts & Sciences. Geeks logo: © 2017 Jerrick Media LLC.

Monday, September 11, 2017

Pot Advertising Hasn’t Gained Altitude
with In-Flight Pubs

As the United States adjusts to sweeping changes in marijuana laws — 26 states and the District of Columbia have decriminalized or outright legalized the herb for personal recreational use — a new green industry has emerged. Marijuana dispensaries and cultivators are actively soliciting new business in the states where it’s legal, and makers of other cannabis-related products are likewise selling their wares in a wide range of earthbound publications.

But marijuana advertising hasn’t yet taken off with one part of the publishing world: in-flight airline magazines whose route systems service the states where marijuana is legal. Almost without exception, you won’t find ads in those publications. And it may not be an accident, despite the growing consumer appeal for recreational pot — and the benefit to states’ bottom lines. ...

Read the full story at Potent

Tuesday, September 5, 2017

The real Maverick. Maybe.

READERS OF YOURS truly have probably noticed that, when writing about Arizona Republican Senator John McCain at just about any time since his 2008 presidential campaign, I’ve often invoked the phrase “The Maverick” to describe him, and capitalizing the phrase's operative word to characterize his presumably independent streak in Congress. The word “maverick” was so often used in news descriptions of him, that year and earlier, that it got to be a definitional label — the kind of thing I sometimes thought deserved a “™” (trademark) signature, often applied with all pejorative intent.

We’ve had our differences in the past. But McCain, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, has lately taken on not so much a new guise as a new persona. We saw a glimpse of that (more than a glimpse, really) early on July 28, when he arrived in the well on the Senate floor and cast the deciding vote against the “skinny repeal” bid to overturn Obamacare — a vote at odds with nearly all of his Republican colleagues in the Senate. Since then, McCain wrote an op-ed piece in the Aug. 31 Washington Post that sharpened distinctions between himself and House Trump, in clear and unambiguous strokes.

He returns to Washington this week set to take the lead as the Senate debates the National Defense Authorization Act, which determines levels of government funding for the military.

He comes back to Washington facing debate on the DREAM Act and its enforcement; tax reform and other issues amid a jittery and possibly doomed administration frantically flexing its muscles.

And he comes back to Washington after his first treatments for one of the deadliest and most aggressive cancers there is.

The sunset days of the maverick of Arizona may yet be his best.

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From the Post op-ed: “Our shared values define us more than our differences. …

“Congress will return from recess next week facing continued gridlock as we lurch from one self-created crisis to another. We are proving inadequate not only to our most difficult problems but also to routine duties. Our national political campaigns never stop. We seem convinced that majorities exist to impose their will with few concessions and that minorities exist to prevent the party in power from doing anything important.

“That’s not how we were meant to govern. Our entire system of government — with its checks and balances, its bicameral Congress, its protections of the rights of the minority — was designed for compromise. It seldom works smoothly or speedily. It was never expected to.

“It requires pragmatic problem-solving from even the most passionate partisans. It relies on compromise between opposing sides to protect the interests we share. We can fight like hell for our ideas to prevail. But we have to respect each other or at least respect the fact that we need each other.

“That has never been truer than today, when Congress must govern with a president who has no experience of public office, is often poorly informed and can be impulsive in his speech and conduct.

“We must respect his authority and constitutional responsibilities. We must, where we can, cooperate with him. But we are not his subordinates. We don’t answer to him. We answer to the American people. We must be diligent in discharging our responsibility to serve as a check on his power. And we should value our identity as members of Congress more than our partisan affiliation.”

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IF THE SUPINE Republicans wanted to send a message to President* Trump, a message from one of their number, they’ve got one in those last sentences alone. For months, Republican senators and congresspeople alike have chafed under the wannabe-tyrannical rule of The Donald, who’s gone so far in his dangerously self-styled approach to governance as to endanger global relationships, the United States Constitution, and this nation’s deepest sense of itself and its future. John McCain’s op-ed was the first concerted pushback from those on his side of the aisle.

And for McCain, the institutionalized dysfunction that the Republicans have visited, or tried hard to visit, on Congress for the last eight-plus years — starting practically the day Barack Obama took the oath of office in 2008 — isn’t working anymore.

He continues: “I argued during the health-care debate for a return to regular order, letting committees of jurisdiction do the principal work of crafting legislation and letting the full Senate debate and amend their efforts.

Monday, September 4, 2017

ACA deadlines: Spread the word

Team Trump has slashed the advertising and outreach budget for from $100 million to $10 million. It's easily one of the most pernicious, willfully mean things the presidential asterisk has done since taking office.

Among other things, the White House action complicates the process of reaching out to millions of Americans about Obamacare, enrolling them for 2018 coverage between the dates of Nov. 1 and Dec. 15, informing them of changes in the program, and telling them what they need to be healthier citizens. It goes without saying: If the president* doesn't like your program, it's probably good as dead.

But maybe not. The digital age has made taking matters into your own hands an incredibly viral phenomenon, and a fairly easy one: Copy the graphic up at the top of this blogpost, blow it up to any size you like — then paste it anywhere, in your blogs, your tweets, your Instagram images, your Facebook posts, everywhere it might be casually seen. Let's make this thing virally visible. It may not close the gap of a $90 million budgetary shortfall, but it'll help, a little or a lot, between now and mid-December.

We're a species of procrastinators. But we remember when the stakes are high enough.

Guess what? The stakes are high enough.

Thursday, August 31, 2017

54th: The March, history and now

YOU SEE IT and it breaks your heart. If there is a drop of blood circulating anywhere within you at all, it was aroused by the image of Bernice King, daughter of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., her head and right hand leaning in to his face, in a gesture that poignantly distilled a daughter’s love and a nation’s self-inflicted pain.

If agony can be said to possess the realm of the exquisite, if we ever hoped for a fresh visual distillation of the human spirit … this was it. Samuel Beckett would understand this picture; his own knowledge from the past is here, vivid and inescapable, and now the mantra of America’s vast unnamables: “I can’t go on. I’ll go on.”

It was a picture in a tweet (like everything else these days), one that the youngest of the King daughters sent to Jan. 15, the birthday of her father, who would have been 88 years old. But what it says about Martin Luther King and our national past, and how we reach back to the past to make sense of an angry present and an unclear future, is resonant and ubiquitous beyond the medium that contains it.

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The Root reported on Monday: “A predominantly black Prince William County church has been the latest target of racists after messages of hate were posted up at the church’s front entrance over the weekend. According to Fox 5 DC, church members at Greater Praise Temple Ministries in Dumfries, Va., found the disturbing messages on Sunday. The news station was told that it took officers about two hours to respond to a call from the church after it was reported.

“One of the signs in question showed the front cover of the German magazine Der Spiegel, which features President Donald Trump wearing a Ku Klux Klan hood: an image that came as criticism of Trump’s outrageous response to the violence following the white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va. Accompanying the photo were the words, ‘Now that’s white power. Day of the rope is coming niggers.’ ”

“It’s very disturbing … there are a lot of churches in this area,” a member of the church identified only as Sister Gwen told the news station. “But for the people of color, we have to go through this—it’s like taking a step back to the ’50s and ’60s.”

Specifically it was like taking a step back to the America of 54 years ago, of Aug. 28, 1963, when a crowd of about 250,000 people gathered at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. Or a step forward into the present day, and the fact of a march still underway, en route to the nation’s capital to address some other of the nation’s unfinished business.

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PAST IS PROLOGUE: the current march from Charlottesville to Washington and scheduled to end Sept. 6, has its inescapable lineage. The event in 1963 broke new ground in the national discourse; everything that MLK had done to that point had led him there; it was a kind of focal point, not only of his career but also of the question of civil rights as a national matter. But where King’s iconic 16 minutes at the microphone established him as the de facto North Star of American racial morality, we don’t have such a defining, centralizing force in American life today.

That’s both curse and blessing. We can use a moral center in the current debate right now, someone whose animating frame of reference is the spiritual (and not necessarily the religious) instead of the political. King’s oratory that day combined the two, blended the emotional power of homiletics with the everyday pragmatics of common-sense speech, the politics of life.

Who can forget the “promissory note” analogy, crowded with the symbology of quotidian economics? “When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. ...

“It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.' But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.”

◊ ◊ ◊

For all its power and its place in the national fabric, the totality of the march’s events at the Lincoln Memorial reflected blind spots by the organizers: it was an oratorical sausage fest. Only one woman gave any address at the march: Daisy Bates, a figure instrumental in the integration of the Little Rock Nine into that city’s high school in 1957, was shoehorned in at the last moment, Mother Jones reported in August 2013.

It was a shortcoming that didn’t go overlooked by Anna Arnold Hedgman, scholar, writer, executive director of President Truman’s 1948 presidential campaign, and one of the march organizers. Hedgman called the male brain trust of the event on the carpet: “In light of the role of Negro women in the struggle for freedom … it is incredible that no woman should appear as a speaker.”

The march keynotes revealed other elitist tendencies, freezing out a random “Unemployed Worker” at the podium, Charles Euchner reported in Nobody Turn Me Around, a people’s history of the march..

The march didn’t do everything; clearly, some things it didn’t do at all.  But it did what it had to do: the first televised protest demonstration shocked and galvanized a complacent, quizzical nation; and awakened black Americans, in a broad, mainstream way, to the clarified objective now writ inescapably large.

King distilled the pressing, nervous issues into an address that, in his words, then and now, hastens “to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.” And now is never a rear-view phenomenon.

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THE URGENCY of now couldn’t be much fiercer than it is, now. More than half a century after the fire and agonies of the civil rights era, we’re fighting old battles all over again, on the same turf in the legislatures and in the streets. Black people in the state of Georgia have to contend with a law-enforcement worldview distilled in the dashcam video-recorded words of Cobb County Lt. Greg Abbott, who, after pulling her car over, told a terrified white driver that she had nothing to fear: “We only kill black people, right?”

We as a nation have to contend with the brittle truth rendered by that paragon of journalism — MAD Magazine — which updated one of Norman Rockwell’s more cherished paintings, “The Runaway,” of a lunch-counter encounter between a burly but sensitive cop talking to a boy running away from home. MAD’s update — with a cop in full SWAT/riot-gear regalia, looking at a young black American boy in less than friendly terms — couldn’t be more on point, more accurate in announcing the terms of engagement between police and citizens in a nation Trumped by fear.

Neither could a recent picture I discovered at Shaun King’s Facebook page: A black cop stands a lonely yellow-tape vigil, protecting those people exercising their First Amendment rights at a white supremacist demonstration going on just yards behind him.

The changes sought at the first March on Washington are the same as those pursued by the good people now making the March To Washington. “This is no time to engage in the luxury of coming off or take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism,” King said, 54 years ago. “Now is the time ... 1963 was not an end, but a beginning.”

1963 was a beginning. 2017 is another one.

Image credits: Bernice King communing with father: @Bernice King. Lincoln Memorial program: Daisy Bates: via EURWeb. Cop and kid: © 2017 Mad Magazine. Cop at demonstration: via Shaun King Facebook page.

Monday, August 28, 2017

High Stream Flavors

Entities of commerce often make strange bedfellows. A great example of how marijuana’s intersection with the wider culture yields surprising synergies between products happened in Los Angeles over the weekend when Netflix, the streaming-TV media giant, opened a pop-up store at a local medical-marijuana dispensary to sell various strains of marijuana as a promotion specifically for one of its newest shows and for other Netflix shows. “Netflix and chill,” indeed. ...

The brandy-and-cigars aspect of Netflix's marketing tactic is well-timed for the arrival of recreational marijuana in California, a social and legal sea change set to begin in early 2018. ...

The weekend’s presumably one-time pop-up has the feel of a trial balloon for Netflix, whose programming taps into popular culture at a number of levels, with shows created with an energy, frankness, and conceptual daring that broadcast networks can’t match. ...

Read the full report at Potent

Image credits: Omega Strain image: Jennica Atkinson/Carrot Creative for Netflix. Potent logo: © 2017 Jerrick Media.

Sunday, August 27, 2017

Statues of limitations

IT’S BEEN A rough year for the bronze and limestone paragons of the old South. Partly as a reaction to the horrific events in Charlottesville, S.C. on August 12, and partly the result of people fed up with having the agents of some of the worst of human behavior vaingloriously rammed down their throats, the statuary commemorating the leaders and soldiers of the Confederate States of America are getting a makeover across the country. Let us count some of the ways:

On Aug. 13, a 105-year-old Confederate statue in Atlanta, Ga., was spray-painted and physically damaged by protesters reacting to events in Charlottesville, CBS News reported.

On Aug. 14, In Durham, N.C., a monument to a Confederate soldier was pulled down Saddam Hussein style, the whole thing videotaped for posterity at its location, in front of a government building.

On Aug. 15, in the city of Baltimore, Md., in the dead of night, city officials conducted a statuary surgical strike, a quick broad-brush removal of several Confederate statues, from several different locations, more or less at once. The Confederate Soldiers and Sailors Monument, on Mount Royal Avenue? Gone. The Roger B. Taney Monument, at Mount Vernon Place? Absent. The Lee-Jackson Monument? If you haven’t seen it already, odds are now, you won’t. Same for the Confederate Women’s Monument, on West University Parkway.

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On. Aug. 15, faced on one side with obeying a law barring removal of rebel memorials and abiding the wishes of the citizens on the other, the city of Birmingham, Ala., concealed a prominent, 52-foot-high Confederate monument with plywood.

Aug. 17 was an especially busy day in the annals of racist tribute desecration. The Jefferson Davis Memorial Highway monument in Gold Canyon, Ariz., was tarred and feathered, the New York Daily News reported. A Confederate monument in Phoenix was spray-painted the same day, AZCentral reported.

A Confederate statue outside the county courthouse in Leesburg, Va., got hit by American graffiti, a scrawl that read “You lost,” The Washington Post reported.

Also on Aug. 17, the visage of Confederate icon Robert E. Lee was defaced at the chapel on the campus of Duke University.

Days later, on Aug. 19, the university chose to remove the limestone statue altogether. In a letter to students and staff, Duke president Vincent Price said he took the action “to protect Duke Chapel, to ensure the vital safety of students and community members who worship there, and above all to express the deep and abiding values of our university.”

And on Aug. 23, the city council of Charlottesville, Va., voted to shroud two statues, of Lee and Gen. Thomas (Stonewall) Jackson — an act almost certain, eventually, to precede their outright removal. Other monuments to the Confederacy have been concealed, vandalized or brought down altogether in Washington state, Florida, Texas, Massachusetts, New York, and other states.

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IT’S HARD to know exactly when a society (or the culture that animates a society) comes to clearly decide that a given way of doing things no longer works, no longer makes sense, no longer enhances the life of the collective (if it ever did).

We’re at that point when it comes to the Confederacy. The wider national culture, ever subject to change, has nonetheless crossed a tipping point on homage to the renegade states of the Civil War.

Maybe it’s a consequence of the unromantic times we live in, but wistful longing for the quaint trappings and hoop-skirted deceptions of the era of the Peculiar Institution is under fire — has been, incrementally, for generations, as progress and time marched on, the surviving soldiers of the Confederacy died out, and 12 Years a Slave and Django Unchained stripped away the storied gentilities of the Old South where it really resonates: at the movies.

Over recent years, and certainly in recent months, the unthinkable has happened: Bringing down the iconographic infrastructure of the Confederacy is now a Thing. It’s a touchstone of the time, a statement, it’s cool, it’s correct (not politically but humanistically). It’s not just tolerated; in a time of rampant Trumpian relativism, opposing the symbols of our national dalliance with barbarism is one of the few comforting moral absolutes we've got left.

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People are increasingly willing to express the belief that they see no gray area on this; visible stands against the Stars and Bars and what it represents aren’t revocable. Just like the white supremacist fash bros at the tiki-torched march in Charlottesville discovered after losing their jobs and apartments and friends when the pictures went viral — you can’t hide where you stand.

That’s as true for anti-Confederate protesters as it was for the opposite number. And for those against the social normalization of the Confederacy, they’re taking a visible stand on humanistic principles, one they’re perfectly comfortable with, and one that our society generally approves of. That makes it easy for people to do. Again and again and again.

There’s been a furious debate about HBO’s planned 2018 series Confederate, which will reportedly speculate dramatically on a United States in which the South won the Civil War. While the particulars of the series are nothing but speculation right now, it’s the premise — slavery in modern-day America — that’s got people angry and concerned.

But the what might be of a TV show years from today can’t supplant the power of what is, at this minute: a movement to render obsolete the emblems of the worst that’s within us. Erasing American history isn’t so much wrong as it is impossible. Almost as impossible as people of conscience not resisting that loathsome history in its bid to become our latest, tragic, current event.

Image credits: Lee-Jackson monument removal: Denise Sanders/Baltimore Sun. Robert E. Lee statue (detail): Duke University. Monuments map: The New York Times. Publicity still from 12 Years a Slave. Confederate protest protest: @ianbremmer.

Friday, August 25, 2017

Rubicon of mud: Trump sets the course on Afghanistan

Afghanistan is a complete waste. Time to come home!
Donald Trump, Twitter, 2012

We should leave Afghanistan immediately.
Donald Trump, Twitter, 2013

WHAT A DISSONANCE an election cycle makes. Back in the day, in the hurly-burly of the 2012 campaign, when Trump was more of an outlier prospect for the presidency than he was four years later, the grifter mogul could say whatever he wanted — presumably whatever he believed — and answer to no one, relishing in the comparatively consequence-free zone of the non-candidate.

Trump did just that back then, calling for a full withdrawal of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, the country that was and is, as much as any other, considered a Petri dish for any number of malignant terrorist entities with aspirations of global dominance.

Part of that we know was Trump’s sheer contrariness vis-a-vis anything to do with President Obama. As a reflex, if Obama supported it, Trump was against it. That made calling for a troop pullout “immediately” easy to do. Back then, Trump didn’t have to reckon with the consequences of an idea like that.

◊ ◊ ◊

Fast forward four-plus years. While Obama relishes in the eight years of his presidential era, tranquil by comparison, President* Donald Trump is looking down the barrel of his first eight dismal months in office and the prospect of more to come. And his Afghanistan solution from years ago is confronting a reality he didn’t wargame adequately, or at all.

That much was evident on Tuesday, when Trump, allergic to the wartime policies of his predecessor, gave tacit approval to Defense Secretary James Mattis to add 4,000 U.S. troops to the numbers there now — not withdrawing forces, but doubling down on what his predecessor did to deal with this nation’s longest war.

The most pivotal foreign policy decision Trump has had to make in the seven months since assuming office is one that has, to greater or lesser extent, been made before. And more than once.

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WE KNEW it was important by the way he talked on Tuesday night, before a crowd of troops stationed at Fort Myer, in Arlington, Md. His usual reverence to the military, his longstanding soft spot for men and women in uniform, were obvious. The bluster machine was dialed way down, but it didn’t obscure or conceal the central fact of what the president* had to deliver: more of the same of what we’ve had for the last 16 years, more of the very conflict that will be his legacy too.

Conflicts were definitely the order of the day. Before he even talked about the prospects of war in a foreign country, Trump obliquely addressed the war at home. With what seemed like an indirect reference to the deadly civil clashes in Charlottesville, Va., Trump made some of his most anodyne remarks since taking office.

“When one part of America hurts, we all hurt. And when one citizen suffers an injustice, we all suffer together,” he said. “Loyalty to our nation demands loyalty to one another. Love for America requires love for all of its people. When we open our hearts to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice, no place for bigotry, and no tolerance for hate. The young men and women we send to fight our wars abroad deserve to return to a country that is not at war with itself at home. We cannot remain a force for peace in the world if we are not at peace with each other.”

Where the hell was this circumspection, this open-heartedness last week, when we needed it more?

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IT WAS a moment to glimpse the Donald Trump that might have been, instead of the one we got, bellowing “America first!” in the campaign, and beyond … and now, on Tuesday, about to usher the county into a foreign-policy mission that fates him to steering a raft across a Rubicon of mud.

“[…W]e must acknowledge the reality I am here to talk about tonight; that nearly 16 years after [the] September 11 attacks, after the extraordinary sacrifice of blood and treasure, the American people are weary of war without victory,” Trump said. “Nowhere is this more evident than with the war in Afghanistan, the longest war in American history — 17 years. I share the American people’s frustration. I also share their frustration over a foreign policy that has spent too much time, energy, money, and most importantly lives, trying to rebuild countries in our own image instead of pursuing our security interests above all other considerations.”

And then it came, the subsequent But language that weds — though some will say “cements” — Trump’s Afghan foreign policy to his two predecessors. “[T]he consequences of a rapid exit are both predictable and unacceptable. 9/11, the worst terrorist attack in our history, was planned and directed from Afghanistan, because that country was ruled by a government that gave comfort and shelter to terrorists. A hasty withdrawal would create a vacuum that terrorists, including ISIS and Al-Qaeda, would instantly fill just as happened before September 11th.”

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Trump: “And as we know, in 2011, America hastily and mistakenly withdrew from Iraq. As a result, our hard-won gains slipped back into the hands of terrorist enemies. Our soldiers watched as cities they had fought for, and bled to liberate, and won, were occupied by a terrorist group called ISIS. The vacuum we created by leaving too soon gave safe haven for ISIS to spread, to grow, recruit, and launch attacks.”

There was a blame game to be played, of course, and Trump played it against Pakistan, an easy whipping boy for South Asia instabilities (its role as Osama bin Laden’s last safe haven doesn’t help). “We have been paying Pakistan billions and billions of dollars, at the same time they are housing the very terrorists that we are fighting,” Trump said. “But that will have to change, and that will change immediately. No partnership can survive a country’s harboring of militants and terrorists who target U.S. service members and officials.”

“We will not talk about numbers of troops or our plans for further military activities,” Trump said. “Conditions on the ground, not arbitrary timetables, will guide our strategy from now on. America’s enemies must never know our plans or believe they can wait us out. I will not say when we are going to attack, but attack we will.”

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THE PRESIDENT-presumptive thus marches in lock step with President Bush and Obama before him in rhetorically painting in broad strokes over Afghanistan what can’t be reliably achieved with the fine-point pen. Doyle McManus of the Los Angeles Times grasped this immediately: “If you listened closely, he wasn’t really promising to win the Afghan war, except in the limited sense of preventing the Taliban from toppling the U.S.-backed government … more like a holding action aimed at staving off defeat.”

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson proved that point, betraying a naivete we didn’t think was possible from an administration official not named Donald Trump. “This entire effort is intended to put pressure on the Taliban, to have the Taliban understand that you will not win a battlefield victory,” Tillerson said to reporters on Tuesday. “We may not win one, but neither will you.”

We may not win one, but neither will you. That may be the textbook embodiment of “hanging fire,” of ratifying inaction, of institutionalizing inertia. Tillerson thus tacitly admits that the United States isn't just ready for stalemate, it’s predicting one — and planning accordingly. Attrition, the presumably incidental act of going nowhere in a military context, is or will be a tactic deliberately employed by the greatest military machine in the world.
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