Monday, August 21, 2017

Svengali Has Left the Building. Watch Out.


It was January 2017, just days after Donald Trump was inaugurated in the White House, and newly-minted White House chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon was talking to The Hollywood Reporter, plotting the national future, and feeling his oats.

“If we deliver,” he said, “we’ll get 60 percent of the white vote, and 40 percent of the black and Hispanic vote and we’ll govern for 50 years … Like [Andrew] Jackson’s populism, we’re going to build an entirely new political movement. It’s everything related to jobs. The conservatives are going to go crazy. … It will be as exciting as the 1930s, greater than the Reagan revolution — conservatives, plus populists, in an economic nationalist movement.”

Say what you will about him, Steve Bannon never dreamed small. That dream of BannonWorld, as related to THR, was preceded by a bigger, wider vision he had during the 2016 campaign — one of a world that danced to his geopolitical tune. ...

Read the full piece at Swamp.

Image credits: Bannon: Alex Brandon/Associated Press. Swamp logo: ©2017 Jerrick Media LLC.

Sunday, August 20, 2017

Justine and Heather



They’re an unlikely duo, Justine Damond and Heather Heyer, on opposite sides of the country but wed by circumstances and tragedy, the new hashtag saints in the American victimography, anomalies, outliers, everyday people, two who made history by being at the wrong place at the wrong time, or the right place at the wrong time.

The fact that they’re both white women who died via an agent of institutional power (a police officer acting on a mistaken assumption) or at the hands of a white supremacist driving a car through a crowd (and maybe really intending to kill a person of color instead) complicates the established narrative of 21st-century race relations, simply by undercutting the rationale for its continued oversimplification. The circumstances of their deaths are inimical to the received wisdom of American race relations, the customary equations of the histories of black and white Americans alike.

Not least of all because of Damond and Heyer’s tragic, sudden visibility in the culture, the perceived calculus of who lives and who dies in racially-impactful situations is a little different now — and you dismiss the social importance of perception at your peril. The notion of “skin in the game,” actionized faith in the principles basic to the fight for social justice, looks to be more of the ecumenical civic experience it’s always been.

Read the full essay at The Omnibus @Medium

Friday, August 18, 2017

Charlottesville and America



WE LIKE TO THINK we learn from history; that is one of humanity’s more charming self-deceptions. Every so often over the past four generations, we — the students, the curious, the media — have looked back into the genesis metastasizing years of one brutal regime or another, usually through a fresh survey of imagery common to the era, the photographs and newsreels, the ones that still burn, and soar, and hurt. There: the nascent Nazis, the Brown Shirts, burning the books in a Berlin square. Those same Brown Shirts roughing up the locals or singling out someone in a crowd in the street, pushing them around because power.

And there: the authorities, harassing citizens with dogs, birdshot and high-pressure water hoses, roughed up on the street by other, different everyday people who pushed them around because power. We look at these photographs and newsreels, marvel at the ease with which brutality could be dispensed back then, and take some quiet solace in how far we’ve come, we postmodern, enlightened, educated, yoga-flexible, 21st-century souls. It can’t happen here, we think. It can’t happen here.

Like events in Germany of the 1930’s, the townships of South Africa in the 1940’s and 1950’s, and the Jim Crow South in the 1960’s, the brutal alt-right pogrom that took place on Saturday in Charlottesville, Virginia, was proof of an institutionalization of racial and ethnic mayhem, and one with deadly results. One woman was killed in the space of the protests themselves, run over after apparently being struck, with others, by a raging white supremacist behind the wheel of a gray sports car with Ohio license plates. Two Virginia state troopers were killed in a helicopter crash while working in a protest-related assignment.

It is the first high-profile spasmodic racial event of the presidency* of Donald Trump, and his first comments about it were not exactly inspiring. Their deliberate ambiguity, their studied, toxic nuance would become a huge problem not just for political consumption, but in the wider sense of American identity. But that should have been no surprise: American identity —and who gets to decide what it definitively is — were at the root of the madness on Saturday.

◊ ◊ ◊

History set the fuse for this current event. White supremacists were intent on hosting a “Unite the Right” rally, meant to show their support for leaving intact a Charlottesville statue of famed Confederate general Robert E. Lee — one of the bronze symbols, scattered throughout Virginia and around the South, celebrating the Confederacy and, by definition, the millions of human beings whose enslavement made the Confederacy viable.

The rally was to be a kind of right-wing Woodstock, with alt-right darling Richard Spencer and others concealing defense of white American identity in an ardent, muscular denunciation of the nation’s mosaic demographics. The night before, white supremacists marched on the campus of the University of Virginia … marched en masse carrying … Tiki Torches probably containing citronella-scented mosquito repellent, and just as probably acquired in bulk at the Lowe’s store on Woodbrook Drive.

The derision machine cranked up on Twitter, big time. @TheFaceofBoe87: ““I find it ironic that a bunch of racist[s] are using tiki torches. Y'all can't even hate without appropriating another culture #Charlottesville.”

@SmashracismDC: “Did fash bros use their bed bath and beyond coupons for the tiki torches littered on UVA campus last night?”

That was Friday. That was as light-hearted as this could get. Then it got serious. Then it got ugly.

◊ ◊ ◊

ON SATURDAY, James Alex Fields Jr., a 20-year-old Ohioan, a man whom his former high school history teacher told a TV station was “infatuated with Nazis,” was in his gray 2010 Dodge Challenger. Fields had … issues. “Once you talked to James for a while, you would start to see that sympathy towards Nazism, that idolization of Hitler, that belief in white supremacy,” said Derek Weimer, the teacher. “It would start to creep out.” In an interview with The Associated Press, Weimer said Fields also told him he’d been diagnosed with schizophrenia as a child, and was also prescribed anti-psychotic medication.

A potpourri of white supremacists showed up; Klan members, skinheads, neo-Nazis, and members of Vanguard America, a group that deeply believes in an essential, fundamental whiteness of the United States, a group that Fields was apparently a member or supporter of. They faced off against the anti-racist protesters. Punches and screams, pepper sprays and projectiles; it was a distillation of the fight between democracy and extremism. There might have been more or less than the same for a while: a battle in the streets, but one whose weapons were evenly matched.

Then the car, a gray Dodge Challenger, came barreling down the road, a few blocks away from the statue of Robert E. Lee. Fields is believed to have driven at high speed into the crowd of counter-protesters, killing Heather Heyer, 32, as she crossed the street. At least 35 19 other people were reported injured. Fields was arrested and charged with second-degree murder. In the course of surveilling the demonstrations, a helicopter manned by two Virginia State Police troopers, Lieutenant H. Jay Cullen, 48, and Trooper Berke M. M. Bates, 40, crashed. Both troopers were killed.

◊ ◊ ◊

It was a horrible day for America, and the man in the White House didn’t make things any better. When President* Donald Trump spoke about the incident, he did even more damage to his biography with a speech that desperately sought to establish a false equivalence between the white supremacists and the counter-protesters. “We condemn in the strongest possible terms this egregious display of hatred, bigotry and violence on many sides," the president* said while on vacation in Bedminster, N.J. Then, repeating for emphasis (as if the fake equivalence wasn’t already clear enough), “on many sides.”

In the days to follow, the weight of the incident and Trump’s reaction to it jumped the oceans. German Chancellor Angela Merkel criticized Trump’s initial comments, saying: “It’s racist, far-right violence and that requires determined and forceful resistance no matter where in the world it appears.”

British Prime Minister Theresa May, similarly condemned Trump. “I see no equivalence between those who propound fascist views and those who oppose them, and I think it is important for all those in positions of responsibility to condemn far-right views whenever we hear them.” May said Wednesday in Portsmouth, England.

Trump’s comments blew back on him in ways closer to home. Within days of his initial comments — remarks he’s both walked back and doubled down on since — the CEOs of Merck, 3M, Campbell Soup and Under Armour resigned their positions on the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative, launched by Trump on Jan. 27.

◊ ◊ ◊

IT’S A GIVEN of the 21st-century American presidency: When an expansively tragic national event occurs, the president is called upon to be the empath in chief, the anodyne presence on the national stage, a bridge over troubled water. It’s not in the oath of office, it’s nowhere in the Constitution, but it remains a real and present responsibility for anyone who’d lead this country. There's maybe no other time when a president is more the avatar of a nation then when he presides over a nation in pain.

President Obama knew this, and lived this capably and eloquently in the wake of Hurricane Sandy, the Aurora theater shootings, the Sandy Hook massacre, the Tucson shootings, the slaughter at Fort Hood … and far too many incidents of racial injustice, incidents in which someone died. The 44th president rose to these horrific occasions and did what he could to both transmit our grief and our resolve to move past it.

In this unwritten task, as it relates to Charlottesville, in the need to reinforce American values in a moment of national shock, Donald Trump has failed utterly and miserably. And in that failure may lie the biggest tragedy in the Charlottesville disaster: Our nation has lost its top unifier. The ability to speak painful truth to redemptive power has been replaced by dissipated, desiccated emotions served up 140 characters at a time. The brutality of a given event has met its match in the rhetorical brutality of the one reacting to it, minimizing it, from the White House. It couldn’t happen here. Until it did.

Image credits: Charlottesville car attack: Ryan M. Kelly/Daily Progress. Racist protesters (2): via The Root. Fields: Alan Goffinski via Associated Press. Trump: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters.

Saturday, August 12, 2017

Disney Gets Ready to Stream the Magic Kingdom



TECHNOLOGY has blown a hole in the traditional entertainment business model. That’s been true for some time — at least since 2007 when Netflix vastly reduced its position in the DVD rental business and committed to streaming content directly to consumers. Now, Disney, the whale in the waters of entertainment content, has announced plans to get into the streaming game.

Disney announced on August 8 that it’s planning to start two streaming services: one, aimed at sports fans and capitalizing on the ESPN brand, will launch in early 2018. The other, geared toward Disney’s legions of entertainment fans hungry for its vast movie library, is set to kick off sometime in 2019. ...

The new streaming strategy is risky for Disney, and only some of it may be navigable at this early stage. No price for the prospective new services has been revealed yet, for example, so it’s anyone’s guess whether the cost of Disney streaming services will be competitive with Netflix. Safely assuming it will be, though, other risks remain for streaming the goodies in the Mouse House. ...

Read the full story at Geeks

Image credits: Disneyland fireworks: Michael James (screenshot from You Tube). Netflix logo: © 2017 Netflix. Geeks logo: © 2017 Jerrick Media.

Wednesday, August 9, 2017

The Rhinestone Cowboy rides away:
Glen Campbell (1936-2017)



Glen Campbell, the Grammy-winning singer, songwriter, guitarist, actor and TV show host whose performing career was as panoramic as his talents, died Tuesday. He was 81. ...

Campbell, who had been living in a long-term care facility in Tennessee, was diagnosed with the degenerative brain disorder Alzheimer’s disease in late 2010, and it was announced publicly in June 2011.

Over his career, Campbell — perhaps best known for the 1975 hit “Rhinestone Cowboy” — released more than 60 albums and sold 45 million records, many achieving gold, platinum and double-platinum status and posting hit singles on the country and adult contemporary charts. He won 10 Academy of Country Music Awards, six competitive Grammy Awards and a Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award in 2012. ...

Read the full story at TheWrap




Monday, August 7, 2017

Seeking adult supervision on the Trumptanic


IF WASHINGTON politics was Wimbledon tennis, the events of the last two weeks would show the Trump administration is holding serve right now, and it is glaringly obvious. All the screams from the baseline, all the huffing and puffing at the line judge won’t change a thing. House Trump is in what appears to be a permanent defensive crouch, even when they’re on offense.

This White House is in a predicament rare for an administration this young: on a kind of war footing with much of the American public that helped Trump get elected, and, weird enough, on a war footing with itself.

The polling tells part of the story. To go from the politically ecumenical reaction to his first six months occupying the Oval Office, Trump has inspired by accident a bipartisanship he couldn’t possibly compel on purpose. Democrats oppose Trump, that’s hardly breaking news. But what’s emerging in a flurry of new and recent polling indicates something bigger, wider, and more dissatisfied under his own tent:

The Los Angeles Times reported on Saturday, Aug. 5: “Since the election, in which he received 46% of the vote, Trump’s popularity has slumped. Polls by a half-dozen nonpartisan survey organizations in the last week have shown his job approval dropping again after several months of a stable, albeit low, plateau. Fewer than 40% of Americans have a favorable view of his performance in office, the polls indicate.

“Trump’s drop in polls has featured a notable decline in support among independents and a smaller, but still significant, decline among moderate Republicans. That decline was reflected in all three focus groups, both a Republican-dominated one and two that included Democrat-sympathetic voters.”

◊ ◊ ◊

There’s been more, of course. Lot more. Some of last week’s debacle was self-inflicted, the walkback as blowback, much of it from Congress. Look at Wednesday, Aug. 2. Rick Wilson of the Daily Beast did:

“On Wednesday, Trump was forced into signing the bipartisan Russian sanctions bill. Passed by overwhelming, veto-proof majorities in both the House and Senate, Trump was trapped like a Russian mink in a snare. After pretending the dog ate his homework for a day by claiming the White House didn’t have the bill, and with the knowledge that he would face the staggering political loss of a veto override, he grudgingly, reluctantly, painfully signed it.”

House Trump’s breathtaking levels of organizational dysfunction, already bad before, took a turn into the Shakespearean over the last two weeks. Weaved in between the various polls were White House dramas too thick and fast to be believed. “You don’t know the players without a scorecard,” the old saying goes. But since January 20, with the installation of Donald Trump as president*, it’s been hard to know the players with or without a scorecard. Some of them aren’t in the game long enough for a scorecard to matter in the first place.

◊ ◊ ◊

AS THE TRUMPCARE bills self-destructed on the floor of the Senate, various people were called on to fall on various swords. Communications director Mike Dubke resigned after Trump’s first foreign trip; Politico reported that Dubke bolted “after Trump criticized him for not fiercely defending the firing of former FBI director James Comey.” Then came press secretary and word-salad enthusiast Sean Spicer, who was cashed out on July 21. But the events of the days that followed made a bad situation ... a lot more interesting.

Despite his being a chief of staff — the one presumably in charge of daily operations, the White House’s air traffic controller — Reince Priebus never really had much control over anything. From July 28 Politico: “From the start, Priebus—whose presence was intended to give the Establishment wing of the Republican Party a line into the White House, and to smooth Trump’s relations with House Speaker Paul Ryan and other GOP leaders on Capitol Hill—was hemmed in, with senior advisers like Bannon, Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner and Kellyanne Conway reporting directly to the president.

Politico: “The unpredictable nature of the information flow in the White House made him uneasy, several administration officials say. He lost his cool when other West Wing staffers knew things that he didn’t, and he would call people who had spoken to the president to ask them what Trump had told them. He would run from meeting to meeting trying not to miss anything. He would corner people who criticized him publicly and ask them to stop – but admit the criticisms were close to accurate.“He would rarely leave Trump's side and rush into the Oval Office when he saw others were in the room.”

Politico also reports how the idea developed that — somehow — Priebus was to blame for the debacle of the Trumpcare legislation that died serial deaths in the Senate. “Priebus’ failure to smooth passage of health care legislation through the GOP-led House in March infuriated the president, according to people close to him, and may have made his departure inevitable.”

◊ ◊ ◊

Multimillionaire businessman Anthony Scaramucci, scourge of Spicer and Priebus, was tapped as White House communications director, over Priebus’ especially vocal objections. Spicer resigned in protest. In short order, Scaramucci proceeded to create his own White House meme: Out with Priebus’ nebbish-accountant mien and Spicer’s angry-word-salad shtick, in with Scaramucci’s elegant swashbuckler at the podium.

In the White House press briefings room, in his maiden voyage, appeared to be everything that Priebus and Spicer were not: suave, glib, apparently capable of some self-deprecation, seemingly not afraid of interactions with reporters that didn’t involve gnashing of teeth for one or the other.

But then he had to go and spoil it all by saying what he said in a rambling, free-wheeling, strangely unhinged interview with Ryan Lizza of The New Yorker.

◊ ◊ ◊

WHAT I’M GOING to do is, I will eliminate everyone in the comms team and we’ll start over,” said Scaramucci, in the first movement of the Fandango. “They’ll all be fired by me. I fired one guy the other day. I have three to four people I’ll fire tomorrow. I’ll get to the person who leaked that to you. Reince Priebus—if you want to leak something—he’ll be asked to resign very shortly.”

“Reince is a fucking paranoid schizophrenic, a paranoiac,” Scaramucci said. Pizza said he later channelled Priebus while he spoke: “ ‘Oh, Bill Shine is coming in. Let me leak the fucking thing and see if I can cock-block these people the way I cock-blocked Scaramucci for six months.’ ”



You want a perfect example of how toxic the atmosphere in House Trump really is? Consider this: Within minutes of ending the July 26 interview with Lizza, minutes after telling Lizza that “I’ve gotta start tweeting some shit to make this guy crazy,” Scaramucci, the communications director in the White House, sent out a tweet that asserted Priebus, the chief of staff in the White House, had illegally leaked information on Scaramucci’s personal finances.

This alone distills the generally apparent down to something that couldn’t be more obvious, to anyone: House Trump is a White House in internal crisis, divided against itself.

◊ ◊ ◊

It was obvious again when Priebus resigned as chief of staff two days later, embarrassed, maybe even humiliated, a broken man walking, angry and bewildered across a tarmac in the rain. soaked to the skin by a narrative that painted him some time ago as a man out of his depth, Willy Loman in the West Wing.

Establishment Republicans, movement conservatives needed someone in the White House who could act as a check on Trump’s wild, reflexive machinations. To some degree, that’s what they had with Priebus for six precious months. Now, with Priebus gone— and with Trump acting as his own one-man, 140-character communications department — those mainstream, Pantone-red conservatives will likely be coming after Trump all over again. Scaramucci, Priebus’ implacable adversary, blindsided him. George R.R. Martin couldn’t have come up with what happened next.

Ten days after taking the comms job, Scaramucci was gone as Comms Chieftain, ushered out the door by the new sheriff in town, the closest thing to true adult supervision this administrationette has ever had. And that still may not be enough.

◊ ◊ ◊


A FORMER Marine and former Marine Corps liaison to Capitol Hill, John Kelly looks like a man who doesn’t suffer fools, gladly or otherwise. On that basis, how he got sucked into this tighter orbit of House Trump in the first place is a mystery. But Kelly, previously the director of homeland security, was named on July 31 to replace Priebus as chief of staff. And shortly after that, maybe even hours later, that afternoon, Kelly fired Scaramucci.

The Washington Post reported: “The chief of staff took his oath of office early Monday in an Oval Office ceremony thronged by senior staffers, including Scaramucci. But a short time later, Kelly told the communications director he was out, leading Scaramucci to offer his resignation instead, according to four White House staffers and outside advisers not authorized to speak publicly about personnel matters.

“In the brief, cold words of the White House announcement, Scaramucci was leaving because he ‘felt it was best to give Chief of Staff John Kelly a clean slate and the ability to build his own team.’ The three-sentence release concluded, ‘We wish him all the best.’ ” The Mooch, who announced his intention to “go dark,” was last seen scuttling down Pennsylvania Avenue carrying a Bankers Box and a ten-pound brick of Priebus Schadenfreude™ cheese.

◊ ◊ ◊

Kelly went further imposing his will in the playground. The New York Times reports: “Mr. Kelly cuts off rambling advisers midsentence. He listens in on conversations between cabinet secretaries and the president. He has booted lingering staff members out of high-level meetings, and ordered the doors of the Oval Office closed to discourage strays. He … has demanded that even Mr. Trump’s family, including his daughter Ivanka Trump and son-in-law, Jared Kushner, check with him if they want face time with the president.

“On Wednesday, his third day on the job, he delivered a message about respecting chains of command, backing the decision of Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster, the national security adviser, to dismiss Ezra Cohen-Watnick, a Kushner ally and staff member on the National Security Council.”

It’s as if the camp counselor at TrumpCamp walked to the threshold of the door to a darkened room filled with noisy, raucous, pre-teen boys at summer camp … walked to the door while they were rioting in the dark … and turned on the lights

Thursday, August 3, 2017

Alt-American History (X)



The process to end slavery in the United States formally began with Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation in January 1863. The actual impact of slavery hasn’t observed such convenient finality; the debate over the “peculiar institution” — how and how much it affects our 21st century lives — rages today, and popular culture has hardly escaped.

The announcements of two ambitious television projects with American slavery at or near their core have jump-started the national outrage machine (masquerading these days as the Internet). ...

For Robert J. Thompson, a student of the Gordian knot of television’s impact on society and society’s impact on television, this fascination with alt-black American history is more than just TV chasing the shiny object of the moment.

“If we’re talking about African American identity as a broad thing, we’ve been seeing a lot more of that in the last decade partially because there are so many more places for it,” said Thompson, Trustee Professor of Television and Popular Culture at the S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications at Syracuse University. ...

Read the full story at The Omnibus

Image credit: From CSA: The Confederate States of America (The Weiunstein Company/IFC Films

Saturday, July 29, 2017

Goodbye to the Voice(s)
of Our American Childhood


If you're of a certain age today in America, and even if you’re not, you lost something special on July 26. It was some of that part of yourself that, over time, you may have tricked or reasoned your way out of believing in. Your childhood.

June Lucille Forer died that day at a hospital in Los Angeles, at the age of 99, 54 days before her 100th birthday. The world never really knew her by that name. You could say the world knew her by her professional name, June Foray, but that’s not even right.

The world really better knew her as Rocket J. Squirrel and Natasha Fatale, as Nell Fenwick and Witch Hazel, as Mother Magoo and Cindy-Lou Who, as Grandmother Fa and Jokey Smurf, as a talking Mattel doll and two of the boys in the water in a Steven Spielberg movie. Hers was the voice of a hundred faces, the animated faces and identities of our collective American childhood. ...

Read the full appreciation at Geeks

Image credit: Foray: Randy Leffingwell/Los Angeles Times. Geeks logo: © 2017 Jerrick Ventures LLC.

Wednesday, July 26, 2017

Six months and change:
The Trump presidency* and the nation


WE’RE ABOUT 12.5 PERCENT through the presidency* of Donald Trump, six months and change, and for a chief executive who famously distrusts the polls, there’s been a lot for him to disbelieve in lately. No fewer than five opinion polls in a row — released within days of July 20, the day of Trump’s six-month anniversary in The White House — show how politically and civically damaged Trump is.

If the polls are any indicator, there’s a lot to suggest that a ghost-ship narrative has taken hold of the subconscious of those in power at House Trump; what’s been more or less consistently communicated to the public is an administration bereft of any governing vision that extends beyond imposing the word No or asking How Much It Costs ... that and the ongoing parade of horrors and conundrum led by the tweeter-in-chief.

The first six months of his shambolic administration have been defined by two stories — the Russia hacking controversy, which dogs House Trump structurally and imagistically; and the prospects for Trumpcare, which faces a bruising legislative future — and by the Trump White House’s woefully ham-handed responses to dealing with both of them.

◊ ◊ ◊

Over that six months (and really before the administration began), House Trump has violated some basic laws of political physics: First, don’t vacate the high ground of a story you can’t escape. Like nature, the media abhors a vacuum, and the media, facing a relative absence of credible sourced information, will go with smart analysis, informed speculation and White House leaks — until the credible sourced information shows up (and it always does). At the very least, House Trump is learning that lesson from the immense fallout surrounding the Russia hacking scandal: Define the story early or the story will define you. Forever.

Second, don’t measure yourself against the actions and policies of your predecessor. To do so is to nullify your own identity. We’ve seen this time and again in the fury of conservatives’ attempt to overturn the Affordable Care Act, with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell feverishly looking for every procedural trick in the book to topple the Obama White House’s greatest legislative achievement; and Trump himself calling for (or demanding) one more try — just one more repeat do-over.

In the bizzarro-world looking glass through which we view modern American politics, it’s clear: Thanks to a mountain range of insecurities, shady financial dealings with a sanctioned and adversarial foreign power; a perverse misapplication of congressional energy, and a squandering of already meager good will, Donald Trump has done the improbable: making much of the first six months of his administration more about the Obama presidency than about his own.

◊ ◊ ◊

THE DISCONNECT that’s existed between House Trump and the American people reveals itself in a wave of surveys that underscore the popular sense of an administration in free fall, and a chief executive increasingly unpopular and out of touch. One poll in particular tells a story Trump would just as soon forget: The media, a favored White House punching bag, has supporters who are punching back on its behalf.

According to a July 17 survey from Public Policy Polling, a majority of American voters trusts the networks, metropolitan daily newspapers and other big media outlets more than than they trust Trump. According to the PPP poll, 54 percent of Americans said they put stock in CNN, a major Trump bĂȘte noire from the campaign days into the White House, more than they trust the president*. Only 39 percent said they trust the Trump more than CNN. ABC and NBC got the same benefit of the doubt (each with 56 percent majorities). The New York Times and The Washington Post got similar respect.

There’s a growing call for The Donald’s impeachment. A Monmouth University poll released on July 17 showed that more people want to see Trump impeached today than was the case for then-incumbent Richard Nixon at the start of the Watergate scandal. “About 4-in-10 Americans currently support impeaching Trump six months into his term, which is significantly higher than the number who called for Richard Nixon's impeachment six months into that president's second term,” the poll says.

“The president's job rating currently stands at a net negative 39% approve and 52% disapprove. This is nearly identical to his 39%-53% rating in May.”

◊ ◊ ◊

ACCORDING TO GALLUP, Trump has registered the lowest favorable opinion results in decades. “President Donald Trump averaged 38.8% job approval during his second quarter in office, which spanned April 20 through July 19,” Gallup reported. “No other president has had a worse second-quarter average. Bill Clinton is the only other president who fell below the majority level of approval at a comparable point in his administration.”

“Trump's average approval rating for his second quarter in office, 38.8%, is more than five percentage points lower than the next closest president, Bill Clinton at 44%,” Gallup reported. “The two are the only presidents on the list whose average job approval does not rise above 50%.”

And Gallup finds that Trump isn’t growing the Republican church at all. On the contrary: “Trump maintains solid support among his fellow Republicans. However, with fewer than three in 10 Americans identifying as Republican he cannot rely on Republicans alone to have healthy job approval ratings.”

◊ ◊ ◊

By an admittedly slim margin, the Democrats are now preferred over Republicans to run Congress, as a check on Trump’s machinations, according to the Washington Post/ABC News poll. The survey found that voters are “clearly preferring Democrats in control of Congress to check President Trump even as Republicans appear more motivated to show up at the polls.

“A slight majority of registered voters — 52 percent — say they want Democrats to control the next Congress, while 38 percent favor Republican control to promote the president’s agenda, according to the poll.

Thursday, July 20, 2017

Birth of a Commotion


It wasn’t exactly the shot heard ‘round the world, and it didn’t need to be; it was the press release sent and resent around the Twitterverse.

On July 19, HBO announced some of its post-Game of Thrones future with its greenlight of an original drama series that will revisit the American past, and provocatively revise it, in a time of real-life racial and ethnic turmoil that rivals any in our history.

David Benioff and D.B. Weiss, showrunners, writers and developers of Game of Thrones (just starting its seventh season) will create and write Confederate, a series set to chronicle “the events leading to the Third American Civil War,” HBO announced.

From the press release: “It takes place in an alternate timeline, where the Southern states have successfully seceded from the Union, giving rise to a nation in which slavery remains legal and has evolved into a modern institution. The story follows a broad swath of characters on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Demilitarized Zone – freedom fighters, slave hunters, politicians, abolitionists, journalists, the executives of a slave-holding conglomerate, and the families of people in their thrall.” ...

Read the full report at Geeks

Image credits: White Walker: Game of Thrones/HBO. Geeks logo: © 2017 Jerrick Ventures LLC.
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